By Janet Elise Johnson
Quite a few years in the past, so much Russian electorate didn't realize the proposal of family violence or recognize that this kind of challenge existed. this present day, after years of neighborhood and overseas strain to wrestle violence opposed to girls, issues have replaced dramatically. Gender Violence in Russia examines why and the way this shift happened -- and why there was no related reform on different gender violence concerns equivalent to rape, sexual attack, or human trafficking. Drawing on greater than a decade of study, Janet Elise Johnson analyzes media insurance and survey facts to provide an explanation for why a few interventions be successful whereas others fail. She describes the local-global dynamics among a number of overseas actors, from feminist activists to nationwide governments, and an both various set of Russian firms and associations.
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Additional resources for Gender Violence in Russia: The Politics of Feminist Intervention
In addition, the United Nations has complaint mechanisms in which NGO s can send representatives to lobby government representatives, including through the Commission on the Status of Women, CEDAW (as of 2000), and the Commission on Human Rights. Endowed with the power to investigate complaints, the High Commission on Human Rights can also appoint an expert—or special rapporteur—to travel to particular countries to follow up on charges of human rights abuses. In 1994, as mandated by the Vienna Declaration, the commission appointed a special rapporteur on violence against women, Radhika Coomaraswamy, whose personal strengths brought even more attention to gender violence.
In communist practice, that meant institutions, policies, and organizations to address problems faced by women as they entered into the workforce and other initiatives such as quotas to include women in public and political life (such that it was). Thus, the Soviet response met the ﬁrst two components, but the failure to recognize the social construction of gender meant that the critique did not meet the third. The challenge was only to the sex hierarchy, not the gender hierarchy. Other responses discussed in this book satisfy only the ﬁrst component, constituting what I call pseudofeminism.
In 1994, as mandated by the Vienna Declaration, the commission appointed a special rapporteur on violence against women, Radhika Coomaraswamy, whose personal strengths brought even more attention to gender violence. In 2004, the commission appointed a special rapporteur on traﬃcking in persons, especially women and children. Finally, the United Nations can regulate treaty compliance, such as the compliance to CEDAW, through periodic hearings on country reports to the treaty committee. In contrast to the commissions, the treaty committees are constituted not by government representatives, but by experts who are not supposed to represent their respective governments.
Gender Violence in Russia: The Politics of Feminist Intervention by Janet Elise Johnson